Tag Archives: Midrash Tehillim

Origins & Development of Niddah Restrictions

This week’s parasha, Metzora, introduces us to the laws of menstrual purity, or niddah. Over the centuries, these laws expanded considerably and became so complex that they required a whole tractate in the Mishnah and Talmud, followed by many more halakhic texts. In the Torah, however, the law is quite simple and straightforward:

When a woman has a flow, her flow being blood from her body, she shall remain in her menstrual separation seven days; whoever touches her shall be impure until evening. Anything that she lies on during her menstrual separation shall be impure; and anything that she sits on shall be impure. Anyone who touches her bedding shall wash their clothes, bathe in water, and remain impure until evening… (Leviticus 15:19-21)

Once a woman’s period starts, she becomes ritually impure for a seven-day period. Things she touches become impure as well, and anyone who touches those things will contract the impurity. This was really only relevant during Temple times, and mattered particularly for those who wanted to go to the Temple. Therefore, since the destruction of the Temple, we are not concerned with contracting impurity by touching the bedding or others items that a niddah touched. That said, there is still a halakhic prohibition for a man to touch his wife while she is niddah, not because of the concern of contracting impurity, but because of the concern that it will lead to more intimate contact.

The Torah says that the total period of impurity is seven days. At the conclusion of seven days, the woman needs to immerse, and then she is permitted to her husband. (The Torah does not explicitly say that a woman has to immerse after her period is over, but since it says that anyone that touches her or her bedding needs to immerse, we derive from this that the woman herself needs to immerse as well. Yehudai Gaon, in the late 8th century, wrote it succinctly in his responsa that the tevilah immersion requirement is a kal v’homer, an a fortiori derivation, from one that touches a niddah, קל וחומר ממגעה).

So, according to the Torah, for a regular period the total time of husband-wife separation is seven days, counting from the start of the period. Scientifically, the average length of a woman’s period is 5.2 days, so by day 7 the period is over in the vast majority of cases, and the woman can be purified. What happens if the period runs longer than 7 days? Or what if there is unexpected bleeding at a time when a period is not imminent? The Torah continues:

When a woman has a flow of blood for many days, not at the time of her menstrual separation, or when she has a discharge beyond her period of menstrual separation, she shall be impure, as though at the time of her menstrual separation, as long as her discharge lasts… When she becomes purified of her discharge, she shall count off seven days, and after that she shall be pure. (Leviticus 15:25-28)

In this case, the requirement is to wait until the bleeding stops, and then count seven “clean” days. This is not a regular case of menstrual niddah (also called davah in the Torah), but rather a case of zavah, an irregular flow of blood. At some point in history, a switch was made where every case of a regular period was treated as a zavah, and henceforth a woman has to wait for her period to end, and only then start the count of seven clean days. When, and why, did this happen?

The Mystery of a Halakhic Leap

Mustard seeds

Neither the Torah (the Written Law) nor the Mishnah (the Oral Law) says anything about waiting an additional week for a regular period. So when did this leap occur? The standard answer is that it occurred in the Talmudic era (roughly 200-500 CE). The Talmud (Niddah 66a) famously quotes Rabbi Zeira saying that “Jewish women were stringent with themselves to the extent that even if they see a drop of blood the size of a mustard seed, they sit seven clean days for it.” Presumably this is the justification for waiting seven more clean days after a period. However, this statement is taken entirely out of context!

What’s actually going on is that the Talmud here is discussing various strange cases of irregular bleeding, zavah, not cases of regular periods. We are then told that Rabbi Yehuda haNasi (compiler of the Mishnah) made a decree for those Jews living in rural areas who did not have much Torah wisdom or access to a qualified rabbi. For those Jews “in the fields”, if a woman saw irregular bleeding for one day, she should wait six more “clean” days before being intimate again. If she saw bleeding for two days, she should also wait six more clean days. And if she saw blood for three straight days, then she should essentially be considered a zavah and wait the full seven clean days.

Immediately after this we are told by Rabbi Zeira that Jewish women took upon themselves to wait the full seven clean days even for a mustard seed of a blood. In context, the conversation is clearly referring to irregular and unexpected bleeding, not to regular menstruation. Shortly after on the same page of Talmud, Rav Pappa cites Rabbi Zeira’s dictum, but Rava (who lived c. 280-352 CE) objects and says “I speak to you of a prohibition, and you speak to me of a custom?! Where the Jewish women were stringent, they were stringent; where they were not stringent, they were not stringent!” Rava confirms that this was actually not a universal custom.

Elsewhere (Berakhot 31a), the Talmud states that Rabbi Zeira’s position eventually did become the “conclusive halakhah” everywhere, not to be disputed. Yet, that discussion was clearly about cases of irregular bleeding, not regular menstruation. For any unexpected and irregular bleeding, even if it was just a mustard seed, or just for a day, the halakhah was to wait an extra seven clean days just in case. This is pretty reasonable and makes sense. Presumably, it wouldn’t happen too often anyway. It had nothing to do with regular, expected menstruation.

In fact, we are also told that Rabbi Ishmael had asked Rabbi Yehuda haNasi (the same one who made the “decree in the fields”) to take upon himself three additional stringencies (Pesachim 112b). One of them was to wait an extra night after his wife goes to the mikveh before being intimate. And Rav confirms here that this is referring to niddah d’oraita, to the total seven days from the start of a period, as the Torah commands. Meaning, in the times of Rabbi Yehuda haNasi women undoubtedly still kept one week total from the start of the period, and there was no extra seven clean days for regular menstruation. Rabbi Yehuda haNasi took upon himself an added stringency of waiting an extra day, ie. eight days total. So when did waiting seven clean days for a regular period really emerge?

By the time of the Rishonim (c. 1000-1500 CE), everyone seems to understand that Rabbi Zeira’s position includes regular periods, too. Rashi says it (on Berakhot 31a, for instance) and Rambam, too (multiple times, including Hilkhot Issurei Biah 11:4). It’s not clear how that leap occurred. At some point between the Talmud and the Rishonim, the understanding of Rabbi Zeira’s dictum changed. But was it really universal for the “daughters of Israel” to keep seven clean days for periods? That was certainly not the case in Talmudic times (as we saw above), and the historical record suggests that it wasn’t even the case in the times of the Rishonim. In fact, we can prove it from the Rambam himself, based on a surprising edict he decreed in 1176 CE.

The Rambam Decree

In the 12th century, Egypt was home to probably the largest Jewish population in the world. A strong and relatively tolerant government made it a generally good place to live for Jews. The Rambam (Rabbi Moshe ben Maimon, 1138-1204) himself found refuge there, after first fleeing Cordoba in Spain, then fleeing Fez in Morocco, and failing to settle in Israel. Did the Jewish women of Egypt at the time keep seven clean days? Not at all. And we know this because the Rambam actually gathered nine other big rabbis in Egypt and composed a decree that they all signed. We have the full text of the decree available to us today. Amazingly, one original copy was even found in the Cairo Genizah.

The decree chastises Jewish women for not keeping the seven clean days, and for also not immersing properly in a mikveh. Instead, most women at the time waited seven days from the start of the period (like the Torah says) and then did a washing called sakb, where they sat in a bath and water was poured over them by a woman who was pure. In an attempt to eliminate this practice, and compel women to keep seven extra clean days after their period, the Rambam ruled that any woman who does not follow the rabbinic stringencies forfeits her ketubah.

… Every Jewish woman who does not immerse in mikveh water after counting seven clean days according to the laws of the daughters of Israel, or who performs the aforementioned sakb—this woman may be divorced without a dower [ketubah] and retains no (right) either to a dower or to any marriage contract [ketubah] stipulations…

The Rambam and his colleagues didn’t stop there. They had to force the men to comply, too, so they decreed:

Likewise, we resolved that any man proven to have had intercourse with his wife while [violating] one of these three sins, and knew that (this was the case) and remained silent, and did not state this in court until the time of divorce—the court should excommunicate this man, humiliate him, expel him from the congregation, and fine him, according to the court’s capacity to deal with this man, and as the judge sees fit and as the times permit.

What do we learn from this? That even as late as the 12th century, in the largest Jewish community in the world, the vast majority of women did not wait seven clean days after their periods. The stringency had to be enforced by rabbinic decree, with strict and harsh penalties for anyone who resisted. In the Talmudic era, no such stringency existed—the Talmud was clearly referring to waiting seven clean days for irregular bleeding in potential cases of zavah, not for regular periods. By the time of the Rishonim, the switch was made to include all cases of bleeding, and henceforth was imposed by the rabbis. The Ramban (Rabbi Moshe ben Nachman, 1194-1270) confirms this, writing “that stringency that the daughters of Israel initiated was approved by the Sages so they made it the halakhah in all places, and therefore it is forbidden for a person to ever be lenient with it.” (Hilkhot Niddah 1:19)

Looking for Answers

Is there any way to explain the great halakhic niddah leap? One suggestion, as proposed by Shai Secunda in his The Iranian Talmud and The Talmud’s Red Fence, is that it came out of “religious competition” with neighbouring Zoroastrians in the Persian Empire. Recall that the Talmud was composed in the Persian Empire, and the Savoraim and early Geonim who compiled, finalized, and published the Talmud all lived under Persian-Zoroastrian authority. The Zoroastrians were also very strict with niddah laws, so it could well be that their stringencies rubbed off on Jewish communities and on Jewish practice. In fact, we are even told in the Talmud (Niddah 20b) that the Zoroastrian queen Ifra Hormiz tested Rava for his knowledge and expertise on menstrual blood. (For lots more on this, see the third installment of the Judaism vs. Zoroastrianism class, that focused on the development of niddah laws in the Zoroastrian context.) Moreover, the Zoroastrian Old Persian word for niddah, dastana or dashtana, appears multiple times in the Talmud (such as in Avodah Zarah 18a). It’s quite possible that Jews and Zoroastrians took on ever-stricter niddah stringencies in a case of religious oneupmanship, to outdo one another in holiness.

Another possibility is that it emerged simply out of confusion and lack of education. The time period between the Talmud and the Rishonim (roughly 500-1000 CE) is referred to by historians as the “Dark Ages”. In comparison to the eras before and after, there was relatively little science and progress going on at the time, with widespread illiteracy and ignorance. War, poverty, disease, and catastrophes of every kind were rampant. Shockingly, the year 536 CE saw the eruption of a massive volcano (some say several volcanoes) that blacked out much of the sky across the Northern Hemisphere, causing “volcanic winters”, plunging temperatures, low sunlight, and massive crop failures. We have abundant evidence of terrible famines from Western Europe all the way to Eastern China. Some historians have described 536 as the “worst year in human history”. The effects reverberated for many decades. One of the negative effects was that scholarship and education was at a bare minimum. Of course, the Jewish world was just as affected as the rest of the world. Indeed, we find during this time practically no major Jewish scholarship, and few great works emerging.

Timeline of rabbinic eras from 200 BCE to the present.

Think about it: we know a great deal about Jews and rabbis in the Talmudic period (and have thousands of pages and volumes of Talmud and Midrash from this era), and we know a tremendous amount about Jews and rabbis in the era of Rishonim, with so many great sefarim, halakhic codes, mystical texts, and other brilliant works. But what about the period 500-1000 CE? We know hardly anything about it, and have few texts from this era, save for some Geonic responsa and a handful of others. Today, the typical religious Jew has definitely studied Mishnah, Talmud, and Midrash (from the pre-500 CE era) and can list dozens of rabbi names from this time period; and the typical religious Jew has definitely studied Rashi, Tosfot, and Rambam (from the post-1000 CE era) and can name dozens more rabbis from this time period. But how many have studied something from between 500-1000 CE? How many can describe the life of a great rabbi from this time period? (Maybe one, like Saadia Gaon.) How many can even name a famous sefer from this period? How many can name a single one of the Savoraim? If the Talmud was completed around 500 CE, why did it take over five centuries for someone (Rashi) to write a complete commentary on it? Why did it take nearly seven centuries for someone (Rambam) to codify it?

Rabbinic Jewish history clearly had a “Dark Age” as well. There is a gap of several centuries of great scholarship, and the recovery appears to only start in the 800s. (Interestingly, the Rambam credits Saadia Gaon, who lived in the 9th century, with saving Judaism at a time when it hit a particularly low nadir.) It’s probably also in this Dark Age when authentic semikhah ordination was lost, when tekhelet dye stopped being used on tzitzit, and likely many other things forgotten. I believe it’s possible that one of the things that was forgotten or confused were niddah laws, particularly the understanding to distinguish between zavah and a regular niddah.* Perhaps it was during this time that rabbis started to “play it safe” or just make it simpler by demanding seven clean days for any case of blood, regular or irregular, expected or unexpected.** (The widespread malnutrition and famine in the 6th century might have played a role, too, since we know that malnutrition and irregular periods are strongly linked.) The rabbis of that time could justify the expanded prohibition retroactively based on Rabbi Zeira’s old dictum. By the time of the Rishonim, that became the accepted halakhah. Unfortunately, this raises major issues and difficulties.

A Host of Issues

One of the infamous problems that emerges from an extra seven days is “halakhic infertility”. For most women, ovulation begins one week after menstruation ends. For some women, however, ovulation comes early. By the time “mikveh night” comes around it is too late, and the woman is unable to get pregnant. Some women end up going months struggling with infertility and thinking there is something wrong with them, when it is really just a biological quirk of time. If they figure it out (hopefully), they then need to seek a heter from a rabbi to give them permission to immerse earlier. (It’s hard to miss the painful irony of a woman needing a man’s permission to go around a stringency that women allegedly took upon themselves!) Most rabbis are sympathetic, some are not. Things can get particularly complicated in the Ultra-Orthodox world, and women have shared terrible stories of being told nothing can be done, or to try IVF, or to go on pills or hormones to change their cycle.

Note how estrogen (and testosterone) levels peak right before ovulation. Progesterone levels rise after ovulation to prevent another egg from being released. This is why synthetic progesterone is used for birth control or to delay or stop the cycle.

Meanwhile, women who have already fulfilled the mitzvah of reproduction might choose to go on pills or get hormonal IUDs to eliminate their menstrual cycle entirely. There are many women out there who simply don’t want to deal with niddah laws and restrictions at all (understandably), and resort to modern technology to absolve themselves. This leads to a whole new host of issues, including side-effects from the hormones (lower libido, bodily changes and imbalances, weight gain, headaches, to name a few), possible increased risks of illnesses (blood clots and cardiovascular disease, cancer, chas v’shalom), and the spiritual loss of not fulfilling the Torah’s mitzvahs. In an attempt to avoid rabbinic stringencies, women choose to forgo the Torah itself.

For the many women that the above does not apply to, other issues emerge. One is a lack of desire. Biologically, it is after menstruation that estrogen and testosterone levels rise in a woman’s body, peaking at ovulation and then rapidly declining. This can result in more desire during the seven clean days when intimacy is forbidden, and much less when intimacy is permitted. For men, too, there could be a big challenge, having to go nearly two weeks without contact. (While it might sound excessive, the Talmud does state in Ketubot 61b that for a regular free man, daily cohabitation is normal, and for a hard labourer, twice a week is normal. Torah scholars, meanwhile, should limit to once a week, preferably on Shabbat.) It’s not uncommon for men to succumb to temptations during the period of niddah separation, and then commit much worse sins. Again, trying to keep rabbinic stringencies could well lead to violation of actual Torah laws that Hashem commanded. Besides intercourse, the prohibition of any contact at all for an extra week—including a comforting hug after a bad day, or a playful peck on the cheek, or even just passing an object directly to one another; not to mention sleeping in separate beds or separate rooms—makes things all the more difficult, and can put major strain on a marriage.

When we go back to the Torah, Hashem only commanded seven days of separation total for a regular period, which makes perfect sense biologically. He created us and knows what’s best for us. Rabbi Meir adds (Niddah 31b) that the one week of separation is the ideal amount of time for rekindling the passion between husband and wife (אָמְרָה תּוֹרָה: ״תְּהֵא טְמֵאָה שִׁבְעָה יָמִים״, כְּדֵי שֶׁתְּהֵא חֲבִיבָה עַל בַּעְלָהּ כִּשְׁעַת כְּנִיסָתָהּ לַחוּפָּה). What we have before us is not a case of just adding a “fence”, what we have is totally changing how a God-given Torah mitzvah is practiced and fulfilled. And it’s not even based on anything concrete in the Mishnah or Talmud! The consequences of this are troubling and unfortunate. These are all extremely important matters to think about and discuss. The topic is sensitive, yes, and for that reason many avoid it entirely. But that should be all the more reason to have these important conversations, both with spouses and rabbis.

It is worth concluding with Midrash Tehilim on Psalm 146:7, which says that Hashem is matir asurim, “freeing the bound” or “imprisoned” but also, literally, “permitting the forbidden”. The Midrash explains that “There is no greater prohibition than the niddah, when a woman sees blood and God forbids her to her husband. And in the future, He will permit it.” (ומהו מתיר אסורים אין איסור גדול מן הנדה שהאשה רואה דם ואסרה הקב”ה לבעלה. ולעתיד לבוא הוא מתירה.) The Midrash goes on to say that surely not all laws of niddah will be suspended, and that actual cohabitation with a woman on her period will still be forbidden, as the eternal Torah says. Rather, then, in the soon forthcoming time of Mashiach, all of the niddah stringencies and extras will be lifted, and we will go back to a purer observance of the mitzvah, as Hashem commanded in the Torah.


For further discussion of the development of niddah laws (including the connection to the Garden of Eden, and to the case of Sarah and Abraham), see the following class: 


*A regular niddah is called a davah in the Torah (as at the start of parashat Tazria, Leviticus 12:2). The irregular case is called a zavah. I wonder if some of the confusion was linguistic. After all, Aramaic words typically replace the letter zayin in Hebrew words for a dalet. For example, the Hebrew mizbeachזבח) is Aramaic midbachaדבחא), while Hebrew zakhar (זכר) is Aramaic dakhar (דכר). Following the same rule, the Hebrew zavah (זבה) would be the Aramaic davah (דבה)! Does this have something to do with the confusion of a regular niddah, ie. a davah, with the irregular zavah?

**Another confusion that solidified by the time of the Rishonim is the length of a niddah cycle. Rashi (on Berakhot 31a), Rambam (Issurei Biah, Ch. 6), and others describe that there are “11 days between one niddah and another”. That would imply a menstrual cycle of no more than 18 days, which is impossible, and at no point in human history was this the case biologically. Rabbis and scholars have puzzled over this for centuries, and tried to make sense of it. It is based on the Talmudic dictum that the 11 days following menstruation are days when bleeding would make a woman zavah. This statement is repeated countless times throughout tractate Niddah, but what it originally meant is not exactly clear. It probably only meant that unexpected bleeding during the eleven-day window following menstruation makes a woman zavah, but bleeding after this eleven-day period would not. Bleeding that followed the zavah window, but came before the next period, would be a different case altogether. It seems that by the time of the Rishonim, the gap was shortened and it was assumed that a cycle is 18 days, with the Rambam, for instance, saying that a woman is always vacillating between seven and eleven, seven and eleven, and that “such is a woman’s life: seven days of niddah and eleven days of zivah, etc.”

The Jewish View on Cards and Gambling

In this week’s parasha, Matot-Massei, we read how the Israelites were supposed to divide up the Holy Land between the Twelve Tribes:

And you shall inherit the land by lot according to your families; to the more [numerous] you shall give the more inheritance, and to the fewer you shall give the lesser inheritance; wherever the lot falls to any man, that shall be his…

We learn that the land of Israel was apportioned based on family size, with larger families logically receiving a larger share. Now, to determine which chunk of land a family would receive, the Israelites cast lots. The Talmud (Bava Batra 122a) describes how this was done: two urns were prepared, one containing the names of the Twelve Tribes, and the other containing the names of the various allotments of land. Elazar the High Priest would pick one name from each urn, thus designating a piece of land for a particular tribe.

Casting lots was very common in Biblical times, and is mentioned frequently in the Tanakh. For example, the Torah commands casting lots to determine which goat is sent to Azazel on Yom Kippur (Leviticus 16:8). In the Book of Jonah (1:7), the sailors on Jonah’s ship cast lots to determine who was guilty of causing the storm. In the time of King David, the kohanim were thus divided into 24 groups (I Chronicles 24). Haman cast lots to determine the best day to attack the Jews, and this is why the holiday is called “Purim”, since purim was the Persian word for “lots” (Esther 3:7).

Casting lots suggests a large degree of chance or randomness in the process. Yet, people of faith are naturally quite averse to the concept of random chance, for isn’t everything determined by God? Not surprisingly, the word “lot” (goral) also takes on the meaning of “fate” in the Tanakh. For instance, Isaiah (17:14) prophesies: “At evening there will be terror, and before morning they are not. This is the portion of them that spoil us, and the goral of them that rob us.” The ultimate fate of those that harm the Jewish people will be utter destruction. The Sages, too, were uncomfortable with the idea of dividing the Holy Land by seemingly random lots. They therefore stated (ibid.) that the lots were really just a show for the people to see what God intended. In reality:

Elazar was wearing the Urim and Tumim, while Joshua and all Israel stood before him… Animated by the Holy Spirit, he gave directions, exclaiming: “Zevulun” is coming up and the boundary lines of Acco are coming up with it. [Thereupon], he shook well the urn of the tribes and Zevulun came up in his hand. [Likewise] he shook well the urn of the boundaries and the boundary lines of Acco came up in his hand…

Elazar would prophetically see which tribe needed which land, and when he then shook the urns those exact pairs that he foresaw would emerge! So, the process was not random at all, but simply a materialization of the Divine Will. Still, the Sages insist that in the messianic era the Holy Land will not be apportioned through this method of casting lots, but rather “The Holy One, blessed be He, Himself, will divide it among them; for it is said [Ezekiel 48:29], ‘And these are their portions, says the Lord God.’”

If the Sages were not fond of casting random lots by chance, how would they feel about playing games of chance and gambling?

Gambling in the Talmud

In 1999 and 2000, the Muslim Waqf (Temple Mount authority) dug up 9000 tons of Temple Mount soil and unceremoniously dumped it in the Kidron Valley, creating one of the largest archaeological catastrophes in history. Thankfully, archaeologists did not give up on this precious soil, and began the “Temple Mount Sifting Project”. Among the many incredible finds are these Second Temple-era playing dice.

In a list of people that are ineligible to serve as witnesses or as judges, the Mishnah includes a mesachek b’kubia, a person who plays with dice, and mafrichei yonim, “pigeon flyers”. According to the Talmud, the latter most likely refers to people who bet on pigeon races, which were apparently common in those days. We know from historical sources that gambling with various dice games was very popular in Greek and Roman times. The Talmud (Sanhedrin 24b) goes on to discuss what the problem with such people is.

Rami bar Hama teaches that the issue with gambling is that it is essentially built on a lie: each player agrees to pay a certain sum of money if they lose, yet they hope (and fully intend) not to lose at all! That means the initial agreement made by the players is not even valid. The losing gambler is entirely dejected, and gives up their money reluctantly, often with a nagging feeling of being robbed or cheated out of their money.

Rav Sheshet disagrees. After all, there may be some people who are not so sad to part with their money, or are simply addicted to the game itself. Whatever the case, Rav Sheshet holds that gambling is inappropriate because it is a terribly unproductive waste of time, and the gambler contributes nothing to “the welfare of the world”. This is why, Rav Sheshet says, the Mishnah above concludes by saying that only a full-time gambler is prohibited, but one who has an actual job and just plays for fun on the side is permitted.

Nonetheless, Rav Yehudah holds that regardless of whether the gambler has an occupation or not, or whether he is a full-time player or not, a gambler is disqualified from being a kosher witness or judge. Rav Yehudah bases his statement on a related teaching of Rabbi Tarfon, and on this Rashi comments that a gambler is likened to a thief. The Midrash is even more vocal, saying that gamblers “calculate with their left hand, and press with their right, and rob and wrong one another” (Midrash Tehillim on Psalm 26:10).

The Talmud (Sanhedrin 25b) goes on to state that the prohibitions above don’t only refer to a literal dice-player, but any kind of gambler, including one who plays with pebbles (or checkers), and even with nuts. The Sages state that such a person is only readmitted when they do a complete repentance, and refuse to play the game even just for fun without any money!

Halachically-speaking, the Shulchan Arukh (Choshen Mishpat 370:2-3) first states that any kind of gambling is like theft and is forbidden, but then suggests that while it may not exactly be theft it is certainly a waste of time and not something anyone should engage in.

A Ban on Gambling

While the Talmud does not explicitly forbid gambling, later rabbis recognized its addictive nature and sought to ban the practice entirely. In 1628, for example, the rabbis of Venice issued a decree (to last six years) excommunicating any Jew who gambled. Part of the motivation for this decree was the case of Leon da Modena (Rabbi Yehudah Aryeh of Modena, 1571-1648).

Rabbi Leon Yehudah Aryeh da Modena

Born in Venice to a family of Sephardic exiles, da Modena went on to become a respected rabbi and the hazzan of Venice’s main synagogue for forty years. A noted scholar, he wrote about a dozen important treatises. In Magen v’Herev, he systematically tore down the major tenets of Christianity, while in Ari Nohem he sought to discredit Kabbalah and prove that the Zohar has no ancient or divine origin. (The latter is probably why he isn’t as well-known in Jewish circles today as he should be.)

In 1637, he published Historia de’riti hebraici, an overview of Judaism for the European world, meant to dispel myths about Judaism and quell anti-Semitism. Historians credit this with being the first Jewish text written for the non-Jewish world in over a millennium, since the time of Josephus. The book was incredibly popular, and played a key role in England’s readmitting Jews to the country in the 1650s (after having being expelled in 1290).

More pertinent to the present discussion, Rabbi da Modena wrote Sur miRa (“Desist from Evil”), outlining the problems with gambling. He would know, since he was horribly addicted to gambling himself. He wrote of this problem in his own autobiography, Chayei Yehudah. And because such a high-profile sage was a gambler, his rabbinic colleagues in Venice issued that decree to ban any form of gambling.

Rabbi da Modena’s game of choice was cards. At that point in time, playing cards had become wildly popular in Europe. First invented in China in the 9th century, playing cards slowly made their way across Asia, and reached Europe around 1365. They have remained popular ever since, both for gambling and non-gambling games. While it is clear from an halachic standpoint that card games involving money (like Poker or Blackjack) should not be played, is it permissible to play non-gambling card games (like Crazy Eights or Go Fish)?

At first glance, it may not seem like there should be a problem with this. Yet, some rabbis have recently spoken out against all playing cards. Usually, this prohibition is connected not to gambling or wasting time, but rather to cards’ apparent origins in idolatry or the dark arts. Although it is true that some types of cards are used in divination and fortune-telling, it is important to examine the matter in depth and determine whether cards really are associated with forbidden practices.

The History of Playing Cards

Mamluk Cards

The exact origins of cards are unclear. We do know that they come from China, where paper and printing were invented. Card games are attested to in Chinese texts as early as 868 CE. In the 12th and 13th centuries, the Muslims brought cards across Asia. They were particularly popular in Egypt during the Mamluk Sultanate (1250-1517). The Mamluks created the first modern-style deck of 52 cards with 4 suits. The suits were sticks, coins, swords, and cups. In the 15th century, Italians started to make cards of their own, with the suits being leaves, hearts, bells, and acorns. The French had three-leaf clovers for leaves, square tiles (or diamonds) for bells, and pikes for acorns. Although these suit symbols remained, the English names reflect the earlier suits of sticks (“clubs”) and swords (“spades”).

The Muslim Mamluks did not draw any faces on their court cards (since depicting faces in art is forbidden in Islam). The Europeans did not have this issue, and adapted the Muslim court cards of malik (king), malik na’ib (deputy king), and thani na’ib (second deputy) to king, queen, and prince or knight (“jack”). In 16th century France, the four kings were depicted as particular historical figures: the King of Spades was King David, the King of Clubs was Alexander the Great, the King of Hearts was Charlemagne, and the King of Diamonds was Julius (or Augustus) Caesar.

We see that playing cards have no origins in idolatry. The style of cards we know today were developed by staunchly monotheistic Muslims. They were further developed by mostly non-religious European renaissance printers, against the wishes of the Church which sought to ban cards on a number of occasions. Neither are playing cards known for being used in fortune-telling. However, a related type of card is used in divination today.

Tarot Cards and Kabbalah

In 15th century Italy, a different type of playing card developed. These were called trionfi, later tarocchi, and finally “tarot cards”. They, too, have four suits, but with 56 cards. These were, and still are, used for a number of different games, just like regular playing cards are. Outside of Europe, tarot cards are not well-known, and are generally associated with fortune-tellers.

In reality, the earliest mention of tarot cards being used in divination is only from 1750, and it was essentially unheard of until the late 19th century. Besides, most diviners actually use a different deck of 78 cards. Of course, such divination is entirely forbidden according to the Torah. So, it seems like some well-meaning rabbis have confused these tarot cards with regular playing cards. Ironically, many occultists actually claim that tarot cards come from Kabbalah!

The Tarot “Tree of Life” (Credit: Byzant.com)

These occultists tie the 22 additional divination cards to the 22 letters of the Hebrew alphabet and the 22 paths on the mystical “Tree of Life”. The ten numeral cards (naturally) correspond to the Ten Sefirot, while the four suits correspond to the four olamot, or universes. Finally, the four court cards and the ace represent the five partzufim (with the king and queen appropriately being Aba and Ima). While these parallels are neat, there is absolutely no known historical or textual basis to support these claims. Tarot cards have nothing to do with traditional Kabbalah or Jewish mysticism. (There is a concept in Kabbalah of a negative set of Ten Sefirot belonging to the Sitra Achra, so perhaps there is some connection between these tarot cards and certain evil spiritual forces.)

Having said all that, to forbid playing with cards (or even standard tarot cards) just because some people recently started using them in divination is like forbidding drinking coffee because some people recently started divining with coffee (a practice called “tassology” or “tasseography”). While playing cards copiously is certainly a waste of time, there is nothing wrong with the occasional—no gambling—game.

Ba’al HaTurim

It is fitting to end with the words of the Ba’al HaTurim (Rabbi Yakov ben Asher, c. 1269-1343) who writes in his commentary on the Torah (Tur HaAroch on Deuteronomy 1:1) that Moses himself cautioned Israel about gambling in his final speech before passing away:

Before Moses got ready to relate all these various commandments, he used the present opportunity, a few weeks before his death, to admonish the people, and to remind them of past sins, and how they had caused Hashem a lot of grief during these years. He reminded them how God had treated them by invoking His attribute of mercy and loving kindness time and again. He warned them not to become corrupt again by gambling… They should not rely on the fact that because they were human they were bound to err and sin from time to time and that God, knowing this, would overlook their trespasses.


The above is adapted from Garments of Light, Volume Two. Get the book here

The Year 5778: Apex of the Messianic Era

The stars of this week’s parasha, Vayeshev, are Joseph and Judah. We are told how the sons of Jacob were envious (and suspicious) of Joseph, and ended up throwing him in a pit while deliberating what to do with him. Shimon wished to kill him, Judah to sell him, and Reuben to save him. Meanwhile, Midianite merchants found the helpless Joseph and abducted him, later selling him to Ishmaelites who brought Joseph down to Egypt. There, Joseph enters into servitude in the home of a well-to-do Egyptian family.

The Torah diverges from this narrative to describe what happens to Judah. Judah marries and has three sons. The elder Er marries Tamar and dies because of his sinful ways, as does the second son Onan after fulfilling the law of levirate marriage and marrying his former sister-in-law. After Judah fearfully avoids another levirate marriage for Shelah, his last son, Tamar seduces Judah and becomes pregnant. She gives birth to twins, Peretz and Zerach.

Peretz would go on to be a forefather of King David, and thus a forefather of Mashiach. As is known, there are actually two messianic figures (or two aspects to Mashiach): Mashiach ben David, and Mashiach ben Yosef—one from the line of Judah and one from the line of Joseph. In fact, it is in this week’s parasha where the spiritual origins of the two messiahs begin.

Samson and the Messiahs

Mashiach ben Yosef is the first messiah. He is the warrior that battles evil in the “End of Days”. Unfortunately, he is destined to die in these battles. The Talmud (Sukkah 52a) states how the entire nation will mourn his tragic death. However, it will not be too long before Mashiach ben David arises. As the direct descendant of the royal line, he re-establishes the rightful throne and restores the holy Kingdom of Israel. The Third Temple is built thereafter, and according to some Mashiach ben David reigns for forty years, as did his progenitor King David (Sanhedrin 99a, Midrash Tehillim 15).

We have already discussed why Mashiach ben Yosef must die in the past (see ‘Secrets of the Akedah’ in Garments of Light). How he will die is not exactly clear. What will bring him to his death? It appears that Mashiach ben Yosef will be sold out by his own people. This is what happened to one of the earliest prototypes of Mashiach ben Yosef: the Biblical judge Shimshon (Samson).

As is well known, when Jacob blessed his children, he concluded the blessing to Dan with the words “I hope for Your salvation, Hashem” (Genesis 49:18) which Rashi says refers to Samson, a descendent of Dan. Samson was the potential messiah of his generation. He was a warrior fighting the oppressive Philistines. Yet, the people of Judah did not appreciate the “trouble” he was causing, and apprehended him (Judges 15:11-12):

“Death of Samson”, by Gustav Doré

Then three thousand men of Judah went down to the cleft of the rock of Eitam, and said to Samson: “Do you not know that the Philistines are rulers over us? What then is this that you have done to us?” And he said to them: “As they did to me, so have I done to them.” And they said to him: “We have come to bind you, that we may deliver you into the hand of the Philistines.”

Samson turned himself in voluntarily, but with God’s help smote the Philistine oppressors and freed himself. He would be betrayed again by Delilah, but would manage to defeat the Philistines for good, though at the cost of his own life. Like Mashiach ben Yosef, Samson sacrifices himself.

The text above specifically states that three thousand men of Judah came for Samson. What is the significance of this numeric detail?

The Evil 3000

At the Exodus, the Torah states there was a “mixed multitude” (erev rav) of three thousand men among the Israelites. They, too, accepted the Torah at Mt. Sinai, only to instigate the Golden Calf incident forty days later. It is said that the same will happen at the End of Days, with an “erev rav” among the Jews who will instigate all sorts of problems for the nation from within (see, for example, Zohar I, 25 or Sha’ar HaGilgulim, ch. 39). Like Samson’s three thousand men of Judah, Mashiach ben Yosef is sold out by three thousand “Jewish” individuals.

And the fact that they are men of Judah is all the more significant. It was Judah in this week’s parasha who proposed selling Joseph. And to whom did he want to sell him?

And Judah said to his brothers: “What is the gain if we slay our brother and cover up his blood? Come, let us sell him to the Ishmaelites, but our hand shall not be upon him, for he is our brother, our flesh.” (Genesis 37:26-27)

Judah wanted to sell his brother to the Ishmaelites. In speaking of the battles of Mashiach ben Yosef and the End of Days, it is often the Ishmaelites (or the Ishmaelites banded together with Esau) that are implicated (see, for example, Pirkei d’Rabbi Eliezer, ch. 30). Today, of course, the modern “Philistines” are Ishmaelites, and among their biggest supporters are the descendants of Esau.

In The Era of Mashiach

This discussion is particularly timely in light of what’s currently happening in the Middle East. It seems the region is preparing for a massive war, one that would inevitably engulf the entire Ishmaelite sphere, if not the whole world. We’ve written before that we are undoubtedly in the “footsteps of the Messiah” and here is another intriguing point:

God originally intended for Adam to live 1000 years. Yet, we see in Genesis that Adam lived only 930 years. This is because, as is well known, Adam foresaw that David would be stillborn, and donated 70 years of his life to him. Indeed, David went on to live exactly 70 years. The Arizal saw in the name Adam (אדם) an acronym for three figures: Adam, David, Mashiach. These are the first, middle, and last major figures of human history. Based on this, Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh teaches that David is supposed to be the literal midpoint of history. If that’s the case, then we only need to see when David lived to calculate the era of Mashiach.

The traditional lifetime for David is 2854-2924 AM (Anno Mundi, Hebrew calendar years, corresponding to about 907-837 BCE). To find the time period for the End of Days we must simply multiply David’s years by two. This gives 5708-5848, or 1947/1948-2087/2088 CE. That’s quite amazing, considering that Israel officially became a state in 5708 (the UN vote to create Israel took place in November 1947, and Israel declared independence in May 1948—both dates fall within the Jewish year 5708). And what would be the midpoint, or perhaps the apex, of the “End of Days” period? None other than 5778, the year which we are currently in.

Stay tuned.


The above essay is adapted from Garments of Light, Volume Three.
Get the book here!